Statement of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan on Comrade Kishenji’s Assassination

We Condemn the Conspiratorial Assassination of Comrade Kishenji

With great sadness we learned that comrade Kishenji, a member of the politburo of the central committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), was killed in the combined conspiratorial action of the state government of western Bengal and the central government of India. We strongly condemn this repressive plot of the reactionary rulers of India, who consider themselves the functionaries of the “largest democracy” in the world. This plot illustrates that the democracy of the exploiters is an instrument of repression and murder for the masses and their revolutionary leaders.
The absence of comrade Kishenji is a big loss for the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the entire Indian Maoist movement, the entire south Asian Maoist movement, and also the international Maoist movement. We express our deep sympathy and condolences to CPI (Maoist) and our martyred comrade’s family. We hope we all can change comrade Kishenji’s bereavement into energy for our struggle and thus immediately be able to fill his empty place.
Comrade Kishenji not only had a prominent role in the ranks of the politburo of the CPI (Maoist), but had an important role in the struggles of the entire south Asian region. The martyred comrade had an important role in organizing and carrying forward the activities of CCOMPOSA.
The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is leading a people’s war in India, whose objective is a new democratic revolution. This peoples’ war spreads across large areas of India’s territory, and currently is the most widespread and tempestuous peoples' war in the world––which the reactionary Indian state considers the biggest threat for its exploitative and oppressive rule.
The reactionary Indian state is the representative of the interests of bourgeois and feudal comprador classes and pursues an expansionist politics in the region; it possesses a capitulationist position vis-à-vis the imperialists, particularly the American imperialists. Recently Manmohan Singh and Hamid Karzai signed an all-inclusive strategic agreement, which contains a security aspect, between the reactionary Indian state and the Kabul puppet regime. After sealing this agreement, the reactionary Indian state has become the main regional functionary of the occupying war of the American imperialists and their allies in the region; it is now the primary regional supporter of the puppet regime, and thus is in a position of direct enmity with the peoples of our country.
The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan once again expresses its deep sympathy and condolences on the occasion of comrade Kishenji’s death to the comrades of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). We strongly believe that the hundreds of millions of striving revolutionary masses in India have the capacity to endure the aforementioned loss and will continue to expand their revolutionary war.

Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan
2011-12-07

 

Bonn II: A Gathering for Deciding about the Future of the Occupying War against Our People

Ten years ago from now, December 2001, the invading American and British imperialists and their allies, organized the Bonn Meeting to sketch their future war plans against our people and in order to put in place a puppet regime in Afghanistan. In this gathering under the wings of the imperialists a flock of national traitors were brought to assemble the different components of the puppet regime. In this gathering, the United Nations was employed to provide an international and legal façade for the war of imperialist aggression against Afghanistan, under  the pretext of “war against terrorism.”
According to the official plans devised in the Bonn I, the imperialist occupying war against our people, and finalizing the formation of a puppet regime in Afghanistan should have been completed in three years. However, this process was prolonged, and could not have been otherwise. The three years plan of imperialist war against our people has lasted for ten years, and it is apparent that it will continue until 2014. And thus a three year planned war of aggression and occupation has now lasted for ten years and would continue for another three years and in total would last for thirteen years.
As a matter of fact the first three years of the presence of the occupying American imperialists and its allies in Afghanistan, which according to the plans of Bonn I should have ended then, there did not emerge a significant armed resistance against them. However, with the passage of the first three years, not only the presence of occupiers in Afghanistan continued, but it became clear that they will stay for a long time in this country; therefore, the waves of resistance against them expanded and has continuously increased.          
Now once again the imperialist occupiers are gathering in Bonn in order to rearrange the plans for the future of their war against our people. However, this planning is not merely regarding the next three years, but it is a two stage plan of thirteen years. The first stage includes from now until the end of 2014 and the second stage starts from 2014 until the end of 2024. In the first stage though America’s allies’ and a part of America’s forces itself is leaving Afghanistan, thus the military, political and economic strategic agreement between them and the puppet regime has to be formalized, in order to allow to continue with their invasions and military interventions against our country and its people.
It has become apparent that the American imperialists intend to keep tens of thousands of their forces in several key military strategic bases in Afghanistan even after 2014. The ten years extendable strategic agreement between the US and Karzai’s puppet regime is supposed to provide the legal framework for the presence of American forces and the establishment of their long-term military bases in Afghanistan. It is designed that the legal basis for the continuation of invasions and military interventions of American imperialist’s allies too would be provided through these strategic agreements with the puppet regime. British, German, French, Australian and other imperialists, and the European Union as whole can continue with their aggressions and military interventions against Afghanistan and its people based on these kind of agreements.
The strategic agreement between the expansionist reactionary Indian state and the Kabul puppet regime that was signed a while ago between Manmohan Singh and Hamid Karzai is an essential aspect of the overall strategic agreements signed between the Karzai regime and the imperialist and reactionary powers from the perspective of regional power realignments. India and Pakistan since their “independence” in 1947 from British Empire have fought three wars with each other. As a result of these wars eastern Pakistan seceded from western Pakistan and became an independent country, Bangladesh. Moreover, in Kashmir the war situation between India and Pakistan has continued and the ceasefire between the two sides is being continuously violated. In this context, signing the strategic agreement between the Indian government and the puppet regime is nothing other than the alignment of the Indian state and the Kabul puppet regime against Pakistan. Since the establishment of Pakistan the relation between the central government in Afghanistan and Pakistani state has continuously been tense over the controversial issue of Durand Line and this state of affairs has been the reason for a friendly relations between the central government in Afghanistan and India. But it is for the first time that this friendly relation has advanced to the level of a strategic agreement.
The emergence of this kind of circumstances would be an important source of regional tensions and conflicts, and would even further ignite the flames of reactionary conflicts that have already engulfed the region. On the other hand a prolonged presence of the American strategic military bases in Afghanistan not only would be a source of serious reservations and worries for other global and regional powers and our neighbors, Iran, China, and Russia but it would be a concern for all nations and peoples of the region. Thus, the continuation of America’s and its allies imperialist wars against our country and people, whose central issue is the persistence of the presence of the strategic military bases in Afghanistan, proves and illustrates the following:
The American imperialists and its allies have not come to Afghanistan to fight against terrorism, for promotion of democracy and human rights, women’s rights and the rights of oppressed nationalities, and for the social, cultural and economic developments. In reality they are after their regional and global political and economic strategic interests and they do not intend to easily leave our people alone and the peoples of the region and they would not withdraw their occupying forces from Afghanistan. The strategic agreement between the US government and the puppet regime though its term is until the end of 2024, it would for sure be further extended. That is why this agreement is extendable not only for once but for several times.
The Bonn II conference is a gathering for the purposes of the implementation and execution of this plan of the American imperialists and its European and non-European allies. That is why, we view this gathering an event about the future of occupying, aggressive, and interventionist imperialist war against our country and our people and we strongly condemn it.
The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan that is working towards and preparing for the peoples revolutionary war of national resistance against the occupiers and the puppet regime, strongly believes that the continued presence of the American imperialist occupiers in Afghanistan after the 2014 would increase the pressure of war against our people, but would also ignite and increase other regional tensions. Therefore, the prolonged presence of the strategic military presence of America in Afghanistan would not, only not reduce the resistance against them, but it will even further strengthen and expand the social base of resistance against them. Moreover, the continuation of the American occupiers’ crisis-engendering presence in Afghanistan would increase the opposition against them in the entire region. At a time when the entire imperialist world system and specially the American imperialists have been engulfed with a severe economic crisis and the peoples resistance in the imperialist countries is on the rise; moreover, the corruption and rottenness of the puppet regime is incurable, we strongly believe that American imperialists and its national traitor satraps would be defeated in the face of a broad based and prolonged national resistance.
Based on this conviction we have augmented our preparatory efforts for the people’s revolutionary war of national resistance and we strive to move from the stage of preparation to the start of the actual war sooner rather then later. Towards this end we are asking from all revolutionary, democratic, and progressive forces and individuals for their assistance and cooperation.
The imperialist plans for the future of the occupying war against our people are doomed to failure!

Forward towards the people’s revolutionary war of national resistance!
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan
November 22, 2011.        

 

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The Necessity for a Serious, Decisive, and Unavoidable Struggle to Determine the Principled Tactics of Struggle Conducive to the Changing Situation

On Friday July 15, 2011 a regiment of 650 members of the American occupying forces left Afghanistan. According to the plans announced by the American government, by the end of the summer of the coming year a total of 33,000 personnel, one third of the total of the American forces presently occupying Afghanistan, will leave the country. The 650 armed forces personnel that have already left Afghanistan represent the first phase of the withdrawal of this total of 33,000 armed forces.  The entire plan for the gradual withdrawal of the American occupying forces is part of the overall strategy of “the gradual transfer of the security responsibility throughout Afghanistan” from the occupying forces to the  armed forces of the puppet regime until the end of the year 2014––a strategy centered around and carried out through the establishment of permanent military bases of the American occupying forces in Afghanistan.  Collusion and reconciliation with the present armed Islamist insurgents (the Taliban, the Islamic Party-Gulbadin Hekmatyar faction, the Haqani group, and the remnants of the Islamic Party of the Younos Khalis faction) would be an important part of this plan. Moreover, the occupying forces belonging to other imperialist powers have also started to withdraw their troops. However, it has become clear that the withdrawal of these forces, unlike the withdrawal of the American forces, would not be partial. It has now become apparent that the occupying forces of the Canadian, French, German and other European countries will completely withdraw from Afghanistan. Even the British, according to their declared plans, will not have a fighting force in Afghanistan after 2014. Although the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom has signed a long-term agreement with Hamid Karzai on the basis of which the United Kingdom will establish a military academy for training the state security forces of Afghanistan, the presence of a British fighting force has not been mentioned in this agreement.
Even if the 33,000 of the American occupying forces currently present in Afghanistan withdrew from the country by the end of the summer of next year, the Americans will still have 68,000 armed forces in Afghanistan. In fact, the 33,000 forces planning to withdraw are generally the forces that were brought to Afghanistan in 2009 as part of Obama's so-called “surge.” In reality the Americans do not intend to withdraw their fighting forces from Afghanistan. The strategic relationship between the American government and the puppet regime in Afghanistan has to guarantee the presence of several strategic military bases for Americans in geopolitically sensitive locations. American imperialists clearly desire a long term military presence in Afghanistan and want to establish these military bases in important and sensitive geopolitical locations in the country. First of all, they want to continue to control and dominate Afghanistan through these military bases and, secondly, they want to keep their dominant position in relation to regional powers in order to have a closer control over them for future events in the region, thus trying to keep their global supremacy as the sole imperialist superpower.
Different aspects of this imperialist strategy of the American government towards the country, its people and different political forces are as follows:

• The condition of occupation and direct domination of Afghanistan will fundamentally remain the same but its form will be lightened and softened. In other words, the war will become more Afghanised : the military forces present in the American bases in the country, despite the fact of their overall strategic role of protectorate of the puppet regime, would not be the forces regularly present in the battlefield and in the daily tactical battles. In accordance with this aspect of the imperialist strategy of the American government, it is planned that by the end of the year 2014 the puppet regime will have a security force of 400,000 personnel that will carry out the daily security responsibilities and the daily tactical battles throughout Afghanistan.
•  It is estimated that, in the case of the establishment of long term American military bases in the country, the total number of US forces will be around 40,000. Even if these forces were present in the battlefield and in the daily tactical battles, their expenditure and casualties would decrease by 60%.   Currently, after all, the Americans' current military expenditure totals billions of dollars, an average of one million dollars per soldier, every year; their casualties average one thousand deaths, injury, or trauma victims each year, an average of three casualties per day. But if the American forces operate primarily out of their military bases, and play the role of a force supporting and protecting the puppet regime, the military expenditure of the Americans will seriously decrease; American casualties will be next to nothing compared with the current state of affairs.

However, with the Afghanization of the war, and the increasing of the number of armed forces of the regime up to 400,000, the military expenditure of the regime will be double of what it is at the present, though this expenditure would be very little compared with the current military expenditure of the occupying forces. Based on the estimations of the Ministry of Defense of the puppet regime, the military expenditure of a group of 40 Afghan National Army personnel equals the expenditure of one American soldier. In other words, the total expenditure of 400,000 armed forces personnel would be equal to the military expenditure of 10,000 American soldiers.

• Collusion and conciliation with the armed Islamist insurgents is being carried out through the politics of repression and appeasement; its purpose is to destroy or seriously weaken the armed Islamist insurgents while expanding the reactionary social base of the puppet regime. Replacing the foreign forces with armed forces of the puppet regime in the daily tactical battles changes the repression from one being conducted by the occupying forces to one being conducted by the armed forces of the puppet regime, though a designated contingent of the occupying forces would keep their direct repressive role. The minimum of the appeasement policy for the rank and file of the Islamist insurgents includes providing “amnesty” and, for the Islamist leaders, this includes removing their names from the “black list” of terrorists.  Both scenarios are conditional on the Islamists' capitulation to the regime. The maximum  condition of the appeasement plan is illustrated by the condition of the Islamic Party-Arghandiwal faction. This party is a legal and registered political party; it includes more than 75% of the total previous connections of the Islamic Party led by Gulbadin Hekmatyar. It has tens of seats in the puppet regime's parliament, possessing several ministerial portfolios and occupying many government positions at local and provincial levels. But the Taliban forces that have surrendered are not organized in a registered and legal political organization, even though they are present in the parliament in the “Supreme Peace Council”, the “Society of Clerics”, and in various other low ranking government positions.
• The advancement of the peace and conciliation process with the armed Islamist insurgents, and the increasing presence of the Islamists in different government positions, though perhaps preventing the reestablishment of the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate, also means the further increase of the Islamist, chauvinist, and even more open autocratic character of the regime. This kind of situation will not only lead to increasing social oppression and exploitation of the masses of workers, oppressed nationalities, and women in the country, it will also tighten and reduce the political space for non-Pashtun reactionary forces, liberal and left forces that have surrendered to the regime, as well as the so-called civil society institutions and organizations (such as the "Independent Human Rights Commission", various women’s' rights organizations, etc.) that have been put together by the puppet regime and the occupying powers.

However, the American occupiers––by decreasing the number of their forces in Afghanistan, by retreating these forces from the daily tactical battles, and by putting them in military camps––are following several specific objectives:

• They do not want to have casualties in Afghanistan or want to decrease their casualties.
• They want to decrease their current and huge unbearable military expenditure .
• They want the puppet regime to have the opportunity and condition for false nationalism, fake expressions of independence, and capitulationist Islamist pretentions.

   It is apparent that even after the process of the partial withdrawal of the occupying forces from the country began, and even after the completion of the process by the end of 2014, the American imperialist occupiers and their satraps should still be the main focus and target of the revolutionary struggle of the masses. But it should be noted that the condition and situation is undergoing a change in specific and particular areas. In short, it can be said that, from the fall of 2001 to the summer of 2011, the occupying imperialists and their puppet regime have been the principal target of the national and revolutionary struggle.  After 2014, however, the puppet regime, with the occupying imperialists as its supporter and protectorate, will be the principal target of the national and revolutionary struggles. In such a context the overall composition of the principal enemies of revolution and the masses of the country will not differ, but the number one and direct tactical target of the revolutionary struggle will be the puppet regime.
The withdrawal of the 650 American military personnel on July 15, 2011 is the beginning of the transition from the first situation to the second situation. Paying careful attention and deliberation to the beginning, the progression and the conclusion of this process is a serious and unavoidable revolutionary necessity for determining the correct tactics of struggle suitable with the changing situation during the coming three years and after, necessary for a decisive and principled advancement of revolutionary strategy. A firmness and solidity in strategy is complimentary with flexibility in tactics.

 

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A decisive Struggle must be waged for the
 Formation of a New International Communist (M - L - M ) Organization

The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan is strongly desirous of the international reorganization of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world. This international organization can—and should—include all the parties and organizations that were members of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) and also parties and organizations that were out of RIM. From the political and ideological perspective this international organization should be based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and on the summation of the positive and negative experiences of RIM and other Maoist parties and organizations in the past three decades.
1.Marxism-Leninism-Maoism—and only Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and nothing less and nothing more than that—in the present situation is the ideological weapon of the international communist movement. (By nothing less we mean "post MLM" "Marxism" or "Marxism-Leninism"; by nothing more we mean the formulations that have been added like “thought” or “path” or “new-synthesis".) In other words, a genuine international communist movement can only be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement, which includes all Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations of different countries of the world. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism can, and must, develop; however, at this present juncture the international communist movement as whole is not in the position to have made  such a leap forward. We cannot reach that stage with spurious, reckless and premature pretentious  assertions that would only lead toward deviation and damage the international communist movement.
According to the experience of RIM's struggle in the past three decades,  until RIM's activities was based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, it reached important theoretical and practical contributions, that are to be cherished and are worthy of protection, and that should also be further developed. However, the premature proclamations produced by the labels of “thought,” “path” and “synthesis” not only lead certain parties away from the path of peoples war, revolution, and revolutionary struggles at different degrees, but also towards confusion and ideological and political disorientation; this has resulted in the current organizational fragmentation and paralysis of the entire Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. Without a clear stance against, and distancing from, this overt deviation, whose worst form is nothing but an apparent post-Marxism-Leninism-Maoism––and without conducting a serious struggle against it––we cannot lead the struggle for the formation of an international organization of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations towards a principled success and conclusion.
2. The international organization of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations of different countries of the world should be based on the Revolutionary internationalist comradery and solidarity of all the participants, including those smaller or bigger, stronger or weaker, older or newer. There should not be father or fathers, big brother or brothers, within its ranks. Our aspirations can only be achieved if the international movement will act as an international collective of the independent parties and organizations of different countries, each with equal rights, rather than as a global party. Thus, all the participants should have direct participation and contribution in the leadership of the international movement.
According to RIM's previous experiences, the existence of a permanent leadership committee was a positive point that provided continuity to the organizational existence and activities of RIM. This positive point not only deserves to be protected, but also strengthened and further expanded. however, From the very beginning of the formation of the Committee of RIM (CoRIM), and despite the stance of the Declaration of RIM against the centralizing tendency of Comintern, participants were formally divided into first class and second class members––that is, those who had the privilege of a permanent presence in CoRIM and those who were disenfranchised. Therefore, this committee never became a committee representing all  members of RIM.
Even worse, in actual fact CoRIM, during the many years of its activities, was unconditionally under the hegemony of one particular party––even during the period when the collective decisions of RIM were in contradiction with the positions of that party. In such a situation the committee under the hegemony of that party, instead of implementing the collective decisions of RIM, directly or indirectly led to a direction that propagated the views and recently the " new synthesis " of that party at the level of whole movement. In particular, it was the unsolvable contradiction that finally led towards the decimation of the CoRIM.
It should also be acknowledged, unfortunately, that the organizational principles and of rules RIM––with an unprincipled and incorrect stance based on separation of organizational principles and rules from ideological and political line––led RIM to the disregard and discount for the organizational  principles and rules. In fact it was this organizational problem that paved the ground for the aforementioned party's unconditional hegemony within leading committee of RIM.
3. The most principled and appropriate international communist organization is a new International and we should strive for its formation. At the same time, however, we should acknowledge that in the current situation the immediate formation of a fully formed International is not immediately possible: we can only form an international organization at a lower level, fostering and developing it towards a new International.
According to the past experience of RIM, despite the fact that the strategic orientation of the struggle for the formation of a new international was theoretically accepted, in practical terms it was not given enough attention. In recent years, with the dominance of the post-Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in CoRIM, this goal has been forgotten as a whole.
 In this current situation the new international communist (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) organization, towards the formation of which we are struggling, can and should benefit from the formation and struggles of RIM. Thus, this international organization should be more advanced, ideologically and politically, and organizationally more extensive.
4. Recently, the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan held a broad party seminar to provide a summation and analysis of the experiences of the struggles of RIM, and will soon publish its results, a humble theoretical contribution as part of a broad international summation. In the final analysis, the formation of a new international organization of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world requires reaching a consensus on the fundamental points of a general summation of the experiences of the struggles of RIM and other Maoist forces. Carrying out a general debate and discussion amongst Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations for reaching such a consensus is necessary. In the process of forming and carring forward coordinations, competitions and bilateral, regional and transregional alliances in principle, this process of debate and discussion should continue during a reasonable and possible time amongst the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations for the purpose of the formation of a new international organization.

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan
jaddi 1389 ( January 2011 )

 

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Statement of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan on Osama bin Laden’s death:
Forward towards Initiating and Carrying Forward the People’s Revolutionary War of National Resistance!

The actual pretext for America and its allies’ imperialist military onslaught to invade and occupy Afghanistan on October 7, 2001 was to kill or arrest Osama bin Laden, who was suspected as the real mastermind behind the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. During the past ten years of the war of aggression, and the presence of the occupying forces in Afghanistan that have continued under this pretext or others, tens of thousands of people have lost their lives and thousands of the poor huts of the wretched villagers have been destroyed.

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Report:
Party seminar on the line of the new Manifesto and Constitution of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA and the New Statement of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Iran (MLM) and the Position of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan in this Regard

 

A Party seminar on the line of the new Manifesto and Constitution of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA and the new statement of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Iran (MLM) and the position of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan on these issues, which spanned over several days, was held successfully.

 

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The Communist Party of Iran (MLM) has fallen into the lost road of “post MLM”

By the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist)

Introduction: 

The document of the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist Leninist Maoist) Central Committee that has been published under the title "Call for All Iranian Communists: Two roads for Communism" is an Iranian version of the post Marxism Leninism Maoism of the new statement and the Constitution of the American Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP USA) and carries every single basic feature of that line within itself. However, on certain points, this document talks more bluntly and clearly than the new Constitution of the RCP USA and, occasionally talks more in a more mixed up fashion than that one.

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the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan. This document was an

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